Book Description
A major history of Civil War America through the lens of its two towering figures: Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass.
"My husband considered you a dear friend," Mary Todd Lincoln wrote to Frederick Douglass in the weeks after Lincoln's assassination. The frontier lawyer and the former slave, the cautious politician and the fiery reformer, the president and the most famous black man in America—their lives traced different paths that finally met in the bloody landscape of secession, Civil War, and emancipation. Opponents at first, they gradually became allies, each influenced by and attracted to the other. Their three meetings in the White House signaled a profound shift in the direction of the Civil War, and in the fate of the United States. In this first book to draw the two together, James Oakes has written a masterful narrative history. He brings these two iconic figures to life and sheds new light on the central issues of slavery, race, and equality in Civil War America.
Customer Reviews:
Puts the radical ideologist and the political realist in historical perspective.......2007-05-30
One of the easiest things to do, especially on the web, is to take a highly regarded leader of the past, say, Abraham Lincoln, pull a few of his quotes or actions out of their historical context, and supposedly "prove" how horrible that leader actually was. In contrast, author James Oakes explains Lincoln to us postmoderns the way an historian should - by reminding us of Lincoln's circumstances and explaining Lincoln's overarching purposes. Oakes does this without resorting to making Lincoln a saint. According to Oakes' compellingly-supported evidence, Lincoln refused to compromise two essential commitments - to antislavery and to the American political system. Lincoln would not compromise his antislavery position to get more votes, nor would he compromise his oaths to uphold the Constitution to undermine slavery. This dual commitment of Lincoln's goes very far in helping us understand why Lincoln limited his goal to preventing the spread of slavery before he became president, why he didn't just go ahead and free all the slaves when he became president, why he moved slowly towards emancipation during the war, etc. Furthermore, the author's discussion of Lincoln's overwhelming desire to change the hearts and minds of Americans about slavery instead of merely forcing through political change regardless of wider support was especially useful. As the "Republican" in the title, Lincoln wanted a government that represented the will of the people; therefore, the will of the people needed to be converted before the government could make radical change. The fact that Lincoln helped accomplish this more widespread change is quite a testament to his legacy of leadership.
The "Radical" in the title is another great American, Frederick Douglass. Unlike Lincoln's, Douglass' reputation typically is not in dispute. Most of us love Douglass, and for good reason. Oakes doesn't tarnish Douglass' reputation, but he does help us to understand how Douglass' singular commitment to antislavery/antiracism, as compared to Lincoln's dual commitment explained above, often put Douglass at odds with the political process AND caused Douglass to speak out so vehemently against politicians like Lincoln. From Douglass' perspective, only immediate emancipation and egalitarianism would serve justice. Thus, by necessity, Douglass would oppose and criticize Lincoln - that is, until the two men met.
One of the reviewers below critiques Oakes for supposedly overstating the relationship between the two men. I believe this critique is misplaced because Oakes never claimed to be writing primarily about the interpersonal relationship between the two. Instead, he's writing about the interplay of the radical ideology of one, and the antislavery politics of the other. Also, I think that Oakes analyzes the relationship between Brown and Douglass comprehensively, not simplistically, as a reviewer below seems to believe.
As a person who teaches history at the college level, and as a person who enjoys reading history for fun, I would recommend this book. I intend to make it one of my required texts for my survey American history course, alongside Frederick Douglass' autobiography.
What changed Frederick Douglass' mind.......2007-04-24
Author James Oakes tells us this: in 1860 Frederick Douglass wrote of the upcoming presidential election "I cannot support Lincoln." But in 1888, Douglass said he had met no man "possessing a more godlike nature than did Abraham Lincoln." What had happened?
Oakes gives us a quick glance at his hypothesis within the subtitle of his book: the triumph of antislavery politics. As he explains, this doesn't apply to Lincoln. Lincoln was always an anti-slavery politician, although his thinking on how and how fast slavery should be destroyed changed over time. But with regards to the use of politics as the means to abolish slavery, the man whose thinking moved more was Frederick Douglass. And although the two men share the billing in Oakes' title, this is far more a book about Douglass than Lincoln. It is a book about the evolution of the reasoning of Frederick Douglass.
That evolution, as Oakes paints it, began for Douglass from the belief that the issue of slavery transcended politics and the compromises that came with it. Oakes traces how Douglass the reformer began to be drawn into the political arena, alienating the abolitionists who had first supported his career. But still he carried with him that insistence on absolutism. He brooked no delays, no strategic maneuverings. Lincoln and the Republicans were gradualists, and therefore were deemed irresolute and untrustworthy.
After the Civil War began, Douglass found even more reasons for outrage. Lincoln refused to immediately emancipate the slaves. The President even countermanded the Union generals who issued proclamations freeing the slaves in the territories they conquered. Lincoln had not yet issued a retaliation policy against confederates who captured and often executed southern blacks who had joined the Union army. Oakes gives us deft insights into Lincoln's thinking on all these issues. Douglass, who apparently was not himself an acolyte of consistency, bounced back and forth in his electoral attitudes. But he never let up in his pressure on Lincoln nor in his condemnation of the President's lack of strong steps against slave-holding interests.
Then, first in 1863, Lincoln meets with Douglass. About a year later, at Lincoln's request, they meet a second time and Lincoln asks Douglass to draw up a plan to get as many slaves freed under the Emancipation Proclamation as possible. Over that span Douglass' thinking with regards to Lincoln undergoes a dramatic shift. Afterwards, his criticism of Lincoln essentially stops.
Oakes describes these meetings, including a third just after Lincoln's second inaugural address, in as much detail as consistent with the small format of the book. He relies largely on Douglass' own recollections. Oakes also gives us dramatic retellings of other events in Douglass' career that illustrate the development of his thinking, but also the refinement of his skills as a political strategist.
We are still left wondering what exactly was the effect of those meetings with Lincoln. Was Douglass simply overwhelmed, as others were, by the force of Lincoln's understated humaneness and thereby convinced of the President's genuine concern for blacks? Or did Lincoln persuade Douglass that his political methods were the best possible under the evolving circumstances? Or did Lincoln flatter Douglass into acquiescence, especially in enlisting his help during that second meeting?
These possibilities are not mutually exclusive. Oakes in no way downplays the significance of these meetings. But I believe he wants us to see that what happened was entirely consistent with the evolution of Douglass' thinking with regards to politics. As a reformer, he saw it his job to always keep the pressure on. But where and how best to apply that pressure --- that changed in his meetings with Lincoln. And, near the end of Douglass' life, when he raised Lincoln to sainthood, he was still putting the pressure on. But he was using Lincoln's reputation to apply that pressure against the backsliding that the post-Reconstruction era had brought. Douglass had found a way to combine the duties of a reformer with a sophisticated instinct for politics.
"The Radical and the Republican" is not a dramatic retelling of events. It is certainly not a co-biography of its two principals. But it does have drama. That drama comes from taking Douglass' thinking seriously and mapping out its development and growing political sophistication. To do this, it uses comparisons with Lincoln's thinking and the interplay of the two men's principles and actions. But it's not by accident that Douglass comes first in the book's title and its cover. There are many books about Lincoln. This is a book about Frederick Douglass.
The Politician and the Reformer.......2007-03-22
Abraham Lincoln (1809 --1865) and Frederick Douglass (1818 -- 1895)are American heroes with each exemplifying a unique aspect of the American spirit. In his recent study, "The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics" (2007), Professor James Oakes traces the intersecting careers of both men, pointing out their initial differences and how their goals and visions ultimately converged. Oakes is Graduate School Humanities Professor and Professor of History at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. He has written extensively on the history of slavery in the Old South.
Oakes reminds the reader of how much Lincoln and Douglass originally shared. Lincoln and Douglass were self-made, self-educated, and ambitious, and each rose to success from humble backgrounds. Douglass, of course, was an escaped slave. Douglass certainly and Lincoln most likely detested slavery from his youngest days. But Lincoln from his young manhood was a consummate politican devoted to compromise, consensus-building, moderation and indirection. Douglass was a reformer who spoke and wrote eloquently and with passion for the abolition of slavery and for equal rights for African Americans.
Much of Oakes's book explores the difficult subject of Lincoln's attitude towards civil rights -- as opposed simply to the ending of slavery -- and of how Lincoln's views developed during the Civil War. Oakes uses Douglass as a foil for Lincoln beginning with the Lincoln -- Stephen Douglas debates in Illinois in 1858. Steven Douglas tried hard to link Lincoln to Frederick Douglass and to abolitionism. He claimed that Lincoln favored equal rights for Negroes and raised the spectre of intermarriage between white women and black men. Portions of Lincoln's responses to Stephen Douglas were almost as distressing, as Lincoln carefully avoided supporting civil equality between the races and stressed instead the evil of slavery and the need to stop its expansion. It is not surprising that Douglass the abolitionist was ambivalent and mistrustful of Lincoln in the early years, doubting his committment to the cause of ending slavery.
Douglass continued to distrust President Lincoln. Douglass found the President too quick to temporize and too slow to act towards freeing the slaves. In widely publicized actions, Lincoln had rebuked two of his generals, Freemont and Hunter, who had tried to take aggressive action to free slaves. Lincoln had acted in order to keep on good terms with the border states whose support he deemed necessary to a successful war effort. But Douglass saw Lincoln's actions as weak and waffling.
Douglass's attitude gradually changed with the Emancipation Proclamation and with three meetings between the two men in 1863, 1864, and 1865. Douglass was won over by the President. Lincoln, for his part, seemed to view Douglass with genuine affection and friendship. Douglass gave masterful orations summarizing Lincoln's accomplishments following Lincoln's assassination, in 1876 at the unveiling of the Emancipation Monument in Lincoln Park, Washington, D.C., and throughout the rest of his life. Lincoln had fought slavery with every means at his command, Douglass came to believe, given the difficult political and military situation with which he had to deal.
Douglass' career moved in an opposite direction from that of Lincoln. He began as a reformer and a follower of the abolitionist William Garrison and he initially shared Garrison's contempt for the American political process. Gradually, Douglass found his own voice, and he became convinced the the United States Constitution did not support slavery. He came to conclude that it was possible to work for change through the political process, and this belief eventually allowed a convergence between him and Lincoln. With the conclusion of the Civil War, Douglass became a party man and a stalwart Republican -- perhaps giving up more than he should have of the passion of his early years. While he ultimately saw the failure of Reconstruction, Douglass remained for the rest of his long life firmly within the American political process.
Oakes does an excellent job of comparing and contrasting the work of Lincoln and Douglass. His accounts of the complex events leading to the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation are particuarly lucid. Oakes argues that Lincoln had surreptitiously delivered the death blow to slavery by the end of 1861. As to Douglass, I learned a great deal from Oakes's discussion of his three autobiographies, written in 1845, 1855, and 1881 (editied, 1891) and of how these works document the change of Douglass from reformer to an instance of the American success story. Oakes also describes well and detail a chilling meeting between Douglass and other African American leaders and President Andrew Johnson in which Douglass unsuccessfully tried to persuade Johnson to extend the right to vote to African Americans.
Oakes has written a readable, informed account of the achievements of two great American leaders. The attitudes which they represent -- the politican and the reformer -- and the issues with which they struggled remain with Americans today.
Robin Friedman
Neglected History.......2007-03-08
I enjoyed this book because it showed the civil rights struggle with all its complexities in a very clear and understandable way. The interaction of Douglas and Lincoln was especially interesting because it provided a very human picture of good men trying to deal with the thinking and forces operating during that time.
A spectacular love story.......2007-03-01
Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass long, coy courtship ends in the conjugal bliss of pragmatism. Explosive!
And the cover of the book is AWESOME. The design is great.
Book Description
No other Reconstruction state government was as chaotic or violent as Louisiana's, located in New Orleans, the largest southern city at the time. James K. Hogue explains the unique confluence of demographics, geography, and wartime events that made New Orleans an epicenter in the upheaval of Reconstruction politics and a critical battleground in the struggle for the future of southern society. Hogue characterizes Reconstruction as a continuation of civil war, waged between well-organized and well-armed forces vying to control internal governments. He details five key New Orleans street battles, in which elite Confederate veterans played central roles, and gives an in-depth account of how the Republican state government raised militias and a state police force to defend against the violence. In response, a white supremacist movement arose in the mid-1870s and finally overthrew the Republicans. The occupation of Louisiana by federal troops from 1862 to 1877 was the longest of its kind in American history. Not coincidentally, Hogue argues, one of the longest unbroken periods of one-race, one-party dominance in American history followed, lasting until 1972.
Uncivil War reveals that the long-term military impact of the South's occupation included twenty-five years of crippled War Department budgets inflicted by southern congressmen who feared another Reconstruction. Within Louisiana, the biracial Republican militias were dismantled, leaving blacks largely unarmed against future atrocities; at the same time, the nucleus of the state's White Leagues became the Louisiana National Guard, which defended the Redeemer government's repressive labor policies. White supremacist victory cast its shadow over American race relations for almost a century. Moving between national, state, and local realms, Uncivil War demystifies the interplay of force and politics during a complex period of American history. AUTHOR BIO: James K. Hogue is an associate professor of history at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte.
Book Description
Lebbeus Woods is widely regarded as the most exciting and original architectural visionary today. His body of theoretical work and extraordinary drawings have served as inspiration for architects, artists, and legions of students. Radical Reconstruction, now available in paperback for the first time, contains projects that address the relationships between architecture and war, political revolution/reaction, and natural disasters. These projects define new approaches to the reconstruction of buildings and urban fabric damaged by unpredictable and largely uncontrollable forces of both human and natural origin.
Customer Reviews:
Nice to have, but save your money........2003-10-28
One of the first architectural books I bought, because it was different. I didn't know who he was at first or if he was an architect. I thought comic would be a great branch into architecture. This books show many of this theoretical project that is base of a post-apocalypse society. This book displays his great hand work skills. He used mediums of color-pencil, ink sketches and some very powerful chip-board models. 85% of the book is artworks. There are some texts on this philosophy for his reasoning if you would believe it or not. I went to his lecture at SciArt and his new stuff is just as similar in style to his older works in his book. I no longer regard Wood as much of an architect or nor a artist. This book was good in time of my interest in the subject, but now it has no resourceful information.
Not his best, but still good.......2001-11-22
Lebbeus Woods is perhaps unequalled, and definitely the most imitated renderer in the architectural world. With that said, this book is just a shadow of his masterpiece, "Anarchitecture: Architecture as a Political Act"
I recommend this for thos who already know Woods and can't get enough of him, but as an introduction, definitely read Anarchitecture.
woods bites.......2000-08-11
lebbeus woods bites. Get real.
woods is brilliant.......2000-06-10
lebbeus woods' visions cross the border between real and apocalyptic. his highly evocative renderings are rooted in his surrounding environment, but they move us to the realm of fantasmic architecture. brilliant.
Average customer rating:
- Interesting Glimpses at some key Civil War Issues
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Grant, Lee, Lincoln and the Radicals: Essays on Civil War Leadership
Bruce Catton ,
Charles P. Roland ,
David Donald , and
T. Harry Williams
Manufacturer: Louisiana State University Press
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ASIN: 0807127426 |
Book Description
Edited, with a New Preface, by Grady McWhiney, With a New Introduction by Joseph T. Glatthaar.
During the Civil War centennial, four eminent scholars of the conflict--Bruce Catton, Charles P. Roland, David Donald, and T. Harry Williams--gathered at a Northwestern University symposium to debate and commemorate this transforming event in American history. Originally published in 1964, GRANT, LEE, LINCOLN, AND THE RADICALS assembles their conference papers into one small volume that has become a giant in Civil War studies.
Catton provides a brief but brilliant summary and assessment of Ulysses S. Grant's Civil War career and Roland does the same for Robert E. Lee's. The essays by Donald and Williams continue the historians' running debate on the relationship between Abraham Lincoln and the Radical Republicans. With an informative new introduction by Joseph T. Glatthaar and a new preface by Grady McWhiney, GRANT, LEE, LINCOLN, AND THE RADICALS continues to shape and illuminate the scholarship on these central Civil War figures.
Customer Reviews:
Interesting Glimpses at some key Civil War Issues.......2003-08-14
This is a slim volume of four essays that turn their attention to three issues of the Civil War: the significance of Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee in their conduct of war for the Northern and Southern sides, and the relationship of President Lincoln with the Radical Republicans during the War. These essays probably assume readers already well versed in the history of the times, although they are not too obscure for the general reader.
Author Bruce Catton establishes immediately that the Civil War was not the classic "war of professionals, with set rules, established values, and recognized limits." The Civil War was all-out warfare fought by soldier-citizens for whom the only acceptable outcome was total victory. It was Grant, after a series of failed generals, who finally dealt with the exigencies and peculiarities of the war and devised a strategy leading to victory. Grant was aggressive in his pursuit of the war and understood the need to destroy the other's army and not simply gain strategic points through maneuver, all done with untrained, yet willing, troops. It is clear that the North had an immense advantage in resources, but it was left to Grant to devise a multi-pronged, total war effort and use this advantage in resources by continually pressing the enemy.
Lee was dealt a difficult hand to play in the Civil War. He was outmanned two or three to one; his advantage of internal rail lines did not prove to be that beneficial; Southern localism detracted from a united front; and the defense of the Southern agricultural system dependent on slavery required that troops be dispersed much too widely. The author, Charles Roland, points out that Lee was not given command of all of the Southern army until the war was essentially over, though his advice to Jefferson Davis was valued. As commander of the Northern Virginia army, Lee had an uncanny ability to predict Northern strategy and troop movements. His strategy to penetrate into Northern territory to strike fear into the civilian population, aid Northern peace advocates, and perhaps end the war was a bold initiative. But the Southern army was routed at Gettysburg in July of 1863, partially due to poor strategy and execution; it was not Lee's finest moment. The author suggests that Lee did not, at times, control his subordinate officers sufficiently well to prevent uncoordinated or ineffective battlefield actions. After Gettysburg the Southern war effort was doomed, but Lee prolonged the Confederacy for a year (1864-65) by resisting the final push of Grant towards Richmond with a series of excellent counter moves and stands. The author calls that effort "one of the most prodigious military efforts of the modern age."
The essays by David Donald and T. Harry Williams are brief, but in depth, looks at the Radical Republicans and their influence on President Lincoln. While the essays are interesting and informative, they are actually a continuation of an insider dispute among academic historians as to the significance of the Radicals during the War. Donald claims that all Republicans generally shared the same beliefs and that it is virtually impossible to identify a group of Republicans or a set of policies that can be definitively labeled "Radical." He holds that differences among members of a party are normal. However, he does not disagree that there was widespread disagreement, even disapproval, with Lincoln by many Republicans. Williams, on the other hand, finds that a group of Republicans were doctrinaire about their beliefs concerning the eradication of slavery, opposed to the more pragmatic approach of Conservative Republicans. These Radicals even made attempts to usurp executive authority and privilege in the conduct of the war and in the choice of Cabinet members. Lincoln was largely able to deflect such pressures. The post-Civil War period is not covered in these essays, but it would seem that what influence the Radicals may have had was fleeting given the return to dominance of the white elite in the South.
All of these essays are mere glimpses into the Civil War era. Perhaps they would be clarifying for some or stimulate more investigation by others.
Book Description
In this first critical study of female abolitionists and feminists in the freedmen's aid movement, Carol Faulkner describes these women's radical view of former slaves and the nation's responsibility to them. Moving beyond the image of the Yankee schoolmarm, Women's Radical Reconstruction demonstrates fully the complex and dynamic part played by Northern women in the design, implementation, and administration of Reconstruction policy. This absorbing account illustrates how these activists approached women's rights, the treatment of freed slaves, and the federal government's role in reorganizing Southern life.
Like Radical Republicans, black and white women studied here advocated land reform, political and civil rights, and an activist federal government. They worked closely with the military, the Freedmen's Bureau, and Northern aid societies to provide food, clothes, housing, education, and employment to former slaves. These abolitionist-feminists embraced the Freedmen's Bureau, seeing it as both a shield for freedpeople and a vehicle for women's rights. But Faulkner rebuts historians who depict a community united by faith in free labor ideology, describing a movement torn by internal tensions.
The author explores how gender conventions undermined women's efforts, as military personnel and many male reformers saw female reformers as encroaching on their territory, threatening their vision of a wage labor economy, and impeding the economic independence of former slaves. She notes the opportunities afforded to some middle-class black women, while also acknowledging the difficult ground they occupied between freed slaves and whites. Through compelling individual examples, she traces how female reformers found their commitment to gender solidarity across racial lines tested in the face of disagreements regarding the benefits of charity and the merits of paid employment.
Customer Reviews:
A Major Contribution.......2004-04-13
Historian Carol Faulkner has made a vital contribution to the growing literature on women and state formation in the United States. Years before they gained the vote, we now understand, women activists pressured the government on issues like temperance, abolition, and education reform. From their efforts emerged new theories of government's role in preserving social welfare, theories that would later underpin the reforms of the Progressive Era and New Deal.
But while we know a great deal about antebellum reformers like Catherine Beecher, still more about Progressive-Era figures like Margaret Sanger, much remains unknown about the generation of women's activists who came of age in the 1860s and 1870s. Their efforts have for too long been overshadowed by the great cataclysms of the Civil War and Reconstruction, and by the tendency to view both as momentous battles between white men about black men over "men's issues" such as civil rights and free labor.
Enter Carol Faulkner and her exciting new book Women's Radical Reconstruction. This book does far more simply renovate the tired old stereotype of the stern Yankee schoolmarm. It also illustrates how the debates sparked by the campaign for free labor were themselves thoroughly gendered. Women's rights activists found themselves in conflict with some male Freedmen's Bureau officials, who viewed their concerns as nettlesome distractions. Faulkner's insights into Reconstruction might be compared to Sara Evans's insights into the modern civil rights movement in Personal Politics-i.e., another instance in which middle-class women, brought together on in oppose the oppression of others, become newly conscious of their own oppression.
Lucidly written and packed with vivid vignettes-and most importantly, at 200 pages, short- Women's Radical Reconstruction is an excellent book for undergraduate courses in both women's history and Civil War and Reconstruction. I strongly recommend it.
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Social Reconstruction Through Education: The Philosophy, History, and Curricula of a Radical Idea (Social and Policy Issues in Education)
Michael E. James
Manufacturer: Ablex Publishing
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ASIN: 1567501451 |
Book Description
This volume on the history and philosophy of social reconstruction is the result of Kenneth Benne's discussions, essays and experiences, but also includes contributions from other scholars. Each of the essays study the movement as a way of grappling with the critical issue of the relationship between education and social change, and each chapter intends to stimulate, broaden and enrich the legacy of what contributing author James Giarelli calls "a public philosophy of education." The volume also connects past to present, thus bringing the reader fresh insight into the dilemmas facing schooling in the 1990s.
Product Description
Testimony taken from the Hearings on the Joint Committe on Reconstruction, the Select Committee on the Memphis Riots and Massacres, and the Select Committee on the New Orleans Riots-1866-1867
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Religion and the Radical Republican Movement, 1860-1870
Victor B. Howard
Manufacturer: University Press of Kentucky
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The Civil War as a Theological Crisis
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