Book Description
No one knows how many Chinese are being smuggled into the United States, but credible estimates put the number at 50,000 arrivals each year. Astonishing as this figure is, it represents only a portion of the Chinese illegally residing in the United States. Smuggled Chinese presents a detailed account of how this traffic is conducted and what happens to the people who risk their lives to reach Gold Mountain.
When the Golden Venture ran aground off New York's coast in 1993 and ten of the 260 Chinese on board drowned, the public outcry about human smuggling became front-page news. Probing into the causes and consequences of this clandestine traffic, Ko-lin Chin has interviewed more than 300 people--smugglers, immigrants, government officials, and business owners--in the United States, China, and Taiwan. Their poignant and chilling testimony describes a flourishing industry in which smugglers--big and little snakeheads--command fees as high as $30,000 to move desperate but hopeful men and women around the world. For many who survive the hunger, filthy and crowded conditions, physical and sexual abuse, and other perils of the arduous journey, life in the United States, specifically in New York's Chinatown, is a disappointment if not a curse. Few will return to China, though, because their families depend on the money and status gained by having a relative in the States.
In Smuggled Chinese, Ko-lin Chin puts a human face on this intractable international problem, showing how flaws in national policies and lax law enforcement perpetuate the cycle of desperation and suffering. He strongly believes, however, that the problem of human smuggling will continue as long as China's citizens are deprived of fundamental human rights and economic security.
Smuggled Chinese will engage readers interested in human rights, Asian and Asian American studies, urban studies, and sociology.
Customer Reviews:
Smuggled Chinese.......2000-06-02
This is an interesting book, an obvious result of extensive research. It best serves as a historical reference tool for anyone interested in the crisis of Chinese being smuggled to the U.S. in the 80's and early 90's. That is also its shortcoming, since it lacks any reference to more recent events related to the smuggling of Chinese into the U.S. This was a major disappointment to me for a book published in 2000. The book would be well-served to be updated with reference to new routes being used by smugglers; the INS Global Reach program, new offices in China, and efforts to disrupt the smuggling trade; the Chih Yung interdiction and other boats stopped off Mexico and Central America; the Spring 1999 influx of smuggler's ships in Guam and Tinian; and the impact on the smuggling of Chinese as a result of the 1996 immigration reform law.
Book Description
This brief volume reprints documents from and about the Brown case.
Customer Reviews:
This might sound picky..........2004-03-11
I can't comment on the materials gathered by the editor, as I have not read the book, but instead happened to notice something about this title when a student was using it in connection with a mid-term. He had to find several cases mentioned in the text, identified only by "U.S. v 'party A'," "U.S. v. 'party B'" etc. and was expected to tell what each case was about. However, the instructor had not furnished the student a list of legal citations for these cases, and the book itself has NO table of cases. Since we found them to be U.S. Supreme Court cases, it was fairly simple to find them using the table of cases in West's Supreme Court Digest, but it would be troublesome if other cases are from scattered jurisdictions. As a matter of convenience for readers, I would strongly recommend that future editions contain a table of cases with complete legal citations to ALL cases referred to, so that readers wanting to find mentioned cases can do so without having to waste time trying to find what the cites are for each one.
Book Description
This text lays out the basic facts of Latino America--who Latinos are, where they come from, where they reside--and then connects these facts to political realities of immigration, citizenship, voting, education, organization, and leadership. Author John A. Garc'a brings thirty years of experience in all aspects of politics, policy, and academic theory to bear in painting a nuanced portrait of contemporary Latino political life.
Book Description
After all the "progress" made since World War II in matters pertaining to race, why are we still conspiring to divide humanity into different identity groups based on skin color? Did all the good done by the Civil Rights Movement and the decolonization of the Third World have such little lasting effect?
In this provocative book Paul Gilroy contends that race-thinking has distorted the finest promises of modern democracy. He compels us to see that fascism was the principal political innovation of the twentieth century--and that its power to seduce did not die in a bunker in Berlin. Aren't we in fact using the same devices the Nazis used in their movies and advertisements when we make spectacles of our identities and differences? Gilroy examines the ways in which media and commodity culture have become preeminent in our lives in the years since the 1960s and especially in the 1980s with the rise of hip-hop and other militancies. With this trend, he contends, much that was wonderful about black culture has been sacrificed in the service of corporate interests and new forms of cultural expression tied to visual technologies. He argues that the triumph of the image spells death to politics and reduces people to mere symbols.
At its heart, Against Race is a utopian project calling for the renunciation of race. Gilroy champions a new humanism, global and cosmopolitan, and he offers a new political language and a new moral vision for what was once called "anti-racism."
Customer Reviews:
Not worth the money.......2005-08-12
This book seems hopelessly out of touch with Black culture and US culture in general. It also seems to be pandering to people who want to believe the Nation of Islam is not different than Hitler and the Nazis! How simplistic! If you really want to understand race and how to do away with racism give this book a pass.
Widely misunderstood.......2003-08-08
Gilroy's polemical essay has received little attention and what attention there has been has been lukewarm or scathing. In it's most extreme forms this criticism either pigeonholes Gilroy as having re-invented the "reverse racism" argument and being a "race traitor" to the memory of his mother as a "confused" and "ambivalent" Black Briton, or by liberally denying the existance of "race" being colour-blind to the realities of racism. Both these rebuffs are symptoms rather than diagnoses of a moribund insecurity within Ethinic and critical "race" studies that Gilroy is bravely attempting to think beyond.
This is a fantastic book. It does not attempt to deny the horror of racism by doing away with all ideas of "racial" purity and racialised knoweledge. This is an old argument. It is perfectly possible, indeed desirable, to loose the idea and language of "race" in order to focus properly on the racism that constructs them. By inverting the categories of their oppression many hard-one battles have been fought and pride in community and solidarity have been established in response to racism. But it is the dangers involved in adopting ideas of "racial" and national sameness and particularity that Gilroy is highlighting here.
By re-working the notion of "generic fascism", Gilroy examines Black political and commercial cultures in a way that shows these cultures are not immune from the styles of sameness and unanimism that characterise fascist political practice. This is not unique to Black cultures, but a wider phenomenon linked to the post-70s emergence of identity politics, technological advance, and media-led multiculturalism. His point is that if fascism can find a home with the descendents of slaves it can find a home anywhere.
This focus on culture has been criticised for ignoring the actual political movements of fascism sui generis and of grass-roots Black political action. While this focus may well reflect the hegemony of cultural studies in the humanities, its focus on the cultures of fascism is far from the vague meanderings of a lot of that field and could quite easily be put in context with the re-evaluation of nationalism as an aesthetic project by Eagleton and others as someone far from postmodern excess. The repudiation of liberal multiculturalism as complicit in fascism's cultural manefestations has a long history, from Marcuse onwards.
As for grass-roots activism, Gilroys argument quite neatly parallels that of someone like Manning Marable who has argued for a new radicalism in Black American politics that neither adopts the liberal agenda (i.e. to be Jews, model minorities) nor the Black Nationalist alternative (i.e. to be Germans), but to focus on the grass-roots where the "camp-thinking" of these two alternatives is more fluid and ambivalent.
The "American" focus of this book, despite references to Rwanda, Marley, Fanon and Mandela as well as the lack of any explicit analysis of the way in which the structure of global capitalism might aid a renewed interest in "race" and "race"-thinking are perhaps the only criticisms worth making of this book. But Gilroy is trying make (mainly White) radicals take racism and the impact of "race"-thinking seriously so perhaps we can forgive him for this. He's also trying to warn against the immediate adoption of American standards of multiculturalism for the rest of the world (which might account for the difference in edition titles)
Finally, in a rebuff to the Kantians, Gilroy invents a concept of "planetary humanism" as something to aim towards after, and only after, coming to terms with the histories of colonialism, slavery, fascism and genocide so that we can understand our contemporary conditions and provide an answer to them.
This is a visionary book and well worth the purchase. Get the British edition back in print soon!
A brilliant scholar's call for a better world.......2000-08-07
In this amazing, necessarily complex, and deeply scholarly work, Dr. Gilroy, a Yale Professor of Sociology and African American Studies, lays out his well-thought-out and wholly reasonable thesis: humanity ought not to be split into groups based on skin color, and in fact twentieth-century fascism, an astonishingly dangerous 'ism' whose power came wholly from the false divisions of groups within societies, and whose specter remains with us in its various modern forms (the Klan, modern Nazis, the Aryan Nation, and corresponding European and African racist groups) - would wither in a raceless world - to the nearly unimaginable benefit of humanity.
Dr. Gilroy has not written a polemic so much as a comprehensive and authoritative survey of his topic. He has a utopian vision, but he is in command of the facts. He cites sources, references, and examples from literally all walks of life - pop culture to world history to cultural studies to genomics. It's an incredible ride.
The book is divided into three sections, and the chapters are each able to stand alone as insightful and original essays. In his first section, the foundation is laid with an essay on modernity, which traces the beginnings of 'race thinking' to the eighteenth century in Europe.
The second section deals with the frightening realities of modern fascism, and its considerable threat to society. Tangentially but not unimportantly, Dr. Gilroy includes a discussion of power, war, and the language, imagery, and culture of fascism, including advertising and promotions of mass movements.
In the third section, "Black to the Future," the author addresses a panoply of issues including sexism, race and guilt, success, the world of Black culture, and the considerable implications of cosmopolitanism - a unified world - as opposed to separateness.
No brief review can adequately discuss this important and erudite author's contribution. The book is dense, well-organized, and easily could form the text for a college-level course on this interesting and riveting topic. It is also totally readable and useful - out of the classroom. There are nearly 100 pages of notes, and a comprehensive index.
A must-read for anyone with an interest in the multitude of topics he explores - or anyone looking for a set of good reasons to work to better the world. It has a wealth of information - and deserves more than five stars.
Average customer rating:
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Soul Power: Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of a U.S. Third World Left
Cynthia Young
Manufacturer: Duke University Press
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ASIN: 082233691X |
Book Description
Soul Power is a cultural history of those whom Cynthia A. Young calls âU.S. Third World Leftists,â activists of color who appropriated theories and strategies from Third World anticolonial struggles in their fight for social and economic justice in the United States during the âlong 1960s.â Nearly thirty countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America declared formal independence in the 1960s alone. Arguing that the significance of this wave of decolonization to U.S. activists has been vastly underestimated, Young describes how literature, films, ideologies, and political movements that originated in the Third World were absorbed by U.S. activists of color. She shows how these transnational influences were then used to forge alliances, create new vocabularies and aesthetic forms, and describe race, class, and gender oppression in the United States in compelling terms.
Young analyzes a range of U.S. figures and organizations, examining how each deployed Third World discourse toward various cultural and political ends. She considers a trip that LeRoi Jones, Harold Cruse, and Robert F. Williams made to Cuba in 1960; traces key intellectual influences on Angela Y. Davis’s writing; and reveals the early history of the hospital workers’ 1199 union as a model of U.S. Third World activism. She investigates Newsreel, a late 1960s activist documentary film movement, and its successor, Third World Newsreel, which produced a seminal 1972 film on the Attica prison rebellion. She also considers the L.A. Rebellion, a group of African and African American artists who made films about conditions in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles. By demonstrating the breadth, vitality, and legacy of the work of U.S. Third World Leftists, Soul Power firmly establishes their crucial place in the history of twentieth-century American struggles for social change.
Book Description
Between World War I and World War II, African Americans' quest for civil rights took on a more aggressive character as a new group of black activists challenged the politics of civility traditionally embraced by old-guard leaders in favor of a more forceful protest strategy. Beth Tompkins Bates traces the rise of this new protest politics--which was grounded in making demands and backing them up with collective action--by focusing on the struggle of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP) to form a union in Chicago, headquarters of the Pullman Company.
Bates shows how the BSCP overcame initial opposition from most of Chicago's black leaders by linking its union message with the broader social movement for racial equality. As members of BSCP protest networks mobilized the black community around the quest for manhood rights and economic freedom, they broke down resistance to organized labor even as they expanded the boundaries of citizenship to include equal economic opportunity. By the mid-1930s, BSCP protest networks gained platforms at the national level, fusing Brotherhood activities first with those of the National Negro Congress and later with the March on Washington Movement. Lessons learned during this era guided the next generation of activists, who carried the black freedom struggle forward after World War II.
Book Description
The tangled connections that have bound Jews to African Americans in popular culture and liberal politics are at the heart of Michael Rogin's arresting and unnerving book. Looking at films from Birth of a Nation to Forrest Gump, Rogin explores blackface in Hollywood films as an aperture to broader issues: the nature of "white" identity in America, the role of race in transforming immigrants into "Americans," the common experiences of Jews and African Americans that made Jews key supporters in the fight for racial equality, and the social importance of popular culture. Rogin's forcefully argued study challenges us to confront the harsh truths behind the popularity of racial masquerade.
Customer Reviews:
Oh please!.......2007-03-12
No other entity spread anti-black racism more than the slave industry and Hollywood, and both were and are Jewish run. This claim that Jews put on a black face to work against anti-Jewish sentiment has to be the farthest stretch of Jews justifying their own racism towards blacks that I've read so far, and I've read more than my share. We need to be spending more time on combatting real racism, not a fabricated kind.
FASCINATING AND INVIGORATING SCHOLARSHIP.......2001-08-28
This is one of the five best non-fiction books I have ever read! It is superior to anything Rogin has written previously, magnificent as some of his earlier scholarship has been. I reccommend this book for film buffs, as well as anyone interested in learning how this country's history of racism has affected mass culture and how that has shaped our own understanding of what it means to be an American. Read and learn. This is cultural studies at its best.
Book Description
Much has been written about the forging of a British identity in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The process, unconfined to the British Isles, ran across the Irish Sea and Atlantic Ocean and was played out in North America and the Caribbean. The
Book Description
The World War II era represented the golden age of radio as a broadcast medium in the United States; it also witnessed a rise in African American activism against racial segregation and discrimination, especially as they were practiced by the federal government itself. In Broadcasting Freedom, Barbara Savage links these cultural and political forces by showing how African American activists, public officials, intellectuals, and artists sought to access and use radio to influence a national debate about racial inequality.
Drawing on a rich and previously unexamined body of national public affairs programming about African Americans and race relations, Savage uses these radio shows to demonstrate the emergence of a new national discourse about race and ethnicity, racial hatred and injustice, and the contributions of racial and immigrant populations to the development of the United States. These programs, she says, challenged the nation to reconcile its professed egalitarian ideals with its unjust treatment of black Americans and other minorities.
This examination of radio's treatment of race as a national political issue also provides important evidence that the campaigns for racial justice in the 1940s served as an essential, and still overlooked, precursor to the civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s, Savage argues. The next battleground would be in the South—and on television.
Customer Reviews:
An Interesting Take on Some of the Beginnings of Civil Rights.......2005-10-26
The group portrait of Afro-Americans painted in popular media during the first half of the twentieth century was one composed overwhelmingly with stereotypical images on top of a background of bigotry-needless to say, it is not flattering, and radio was no exception. This fact is so overwhelmingly documented in the public record and within historical scholarship that it barely needs enunciation here, and Professor Savage does not dwell upon it. What she does dwell upon is how radio was used by activists, artists, and entertainers, very often with the assistance of the federal government, during the period in question. As Savage argues, through the efforts of a great many people forgotten within the dominant narrative of the Civil Rights movement of the 1950's and 1960's, new ground was broken which would yield much greater fruit than before, during, or immediately after the Second World War-the period when it was first aired.
Savage is interested primarily in how a few radio programs, nearly all produced with no, or next to no, commercial backing, bucked, but sometimes also skirted, the dominant perceptions of blacks in the popular media. That Savage only concentrates so thoroughly upon less than a dozen programs during this period would at first seem reasonable cause for concern that a good deal of primary documentation had been left out. What becomes depressingly clear over the course of Savage's narrative is that programs she details represent virtually the only broadcasts of their kind. Namely, programs that acknowledged there was a race problem in the United States, and, that with the increasing likelihood of war, something needed to be done about it. Savage shows in her descriptions of the programs Americans All, Immigrants All; Freedom's People; New World A' Coming and Destination Freedom, that the contributions of black men and women were unknown or unacknowledged. These programs were certainly inadequate to task of overthrowing on-air racism, but each one attempted in their own novel ways to counter racial stereotypes.
When Savage describes how radio roundtables and panels, not dissimilar from those we still see on Sunday mornings, approached questions of race in the months before American participation in the Second World War commenced, the timidity of the national networks is nearly comical. Very often the programs would broach the subject of black America without the presence of a single black person. The sort of milquetoast conversation that one would expect from a completely "objective" and moderate circle of people with little or no personal stake in the status of a subject is how Savage describes the first, and lily-white, discussion of race that the popular University of Chicago Round Table broached-being a non-confrontational conversation between three people who nearly completely agreed with each other and reflected the mainstream opinion that discrimination was bad, but having no idea of what to do about it except accept it-garnered very little controversy. As black intellectuals began to find their way onto these programs, Savage shows through her study of listeners' letters just how virulent and widespread white supremacist and visceral anti-black feelings were when they were confronted head on-just virulent these feelings were is one of the surprises of Savage's study and goes along way towards showing what blacks and racial progressives were up against.
Savage is a part of what is today the dominant school of the thought on the Civil Rights Movement, namely, that it had its roots in the struggles of the 1930's and that the Second World War were the biggest social catalysts behind the Movements parts coalescing-equal to, if not more important than, Brown v. Board of Education. Rightfully, Savage does not make any grandiose claims for the effectiveness of the radio broadcasts in laying the groundwork of the Movements' imperatives or goals, but instead shows how the changing dynamics of American racial politics made possible the first baby steps in what Americans today would recognize as the continuous dialogue on what is the most intractable problem in American politics; racial inequality and injustice. As such the book deserves nothing but praise.
Starts Slow and Finishes Strong.......2005-10-17
Broadcasting Freedom focuses on national public affairs programming from 1938 to 1948. It explores the dependent relationship between the infant electronic media and government against the backdrop of African American struggles for equality and respect. Savage dramatically describes how radio's national broadcast networks initially resisted the black community's efforts to air programming aimed at challenging America's paternalistic notions about Negro culture. As she recounts the efforts of blacks in the 1930s and 1940s to gain access to this nascent electronic medium, Savage highlights how trailblazing African American activists, public officials, intellectuals, and artists struggled for opportunities to utilize the power of radio to spark a national debate about racial inequality. It wasn't until the Roosevelt administration gave its blessing that the networks finally consented to the production of programming featuring black history, culture, and achievement.
The author's central argument is that government sponsorship and assistance - catalyzed by the specter of war and the Roosevelt's need for domestic unity - was needed to provide impetus for the production of radio programs for and about blacks. Even so, radio remained cautious about engaging the political issue of race until the race riots of 1943 and President Truman's racial reform proposals of 1947 and 1948 provided sufficient justification for the inclusion of "the black problem" in national broadcasts. Savage also contends that much of the eventual success of the `60s civil rights struggle can be traced to the insights learned by African American leaders in the 1940s as they honed their presentation and debate skills on radio, making the case that many of the lessons learned during this earlier era propelled the civil rights movement forward.
Tracing the origins, content, and reception of selected programs, the first half of the book focuses on public affairs programs produced by the federal government and aired over national networks. The second half focuses on programs produced privately by radio networks and nonprofit organizations - broadcast both nationally and locally. Included at the end of the book is an appendix listing the name, broadcast dates, networks or stations, and sponsor of every radio program discussed in the text.
Savage combines archives of radio material with personal interviews in this heavily researched book. She makes liberal use of the manuscripts, audiovisual collections, personal papers, and archives. Also listed in the bibliography are hundreds of books, articles and dissertations.
Savage's arguments are effective and persuasive. She shows how the African community "worked within the system" to overcome the radio industry's reticence, and developed the methods of mass communication needed to change the hearts and minds of white America. In the process, African American leaders made a place for themselves at the table of radio programmers and broadcasters through sponsorship by FDR during World War II, and leveraged this initial victory into a national movement.
This is a stunning work of original scholarship........1999-06-06
Savage brilliantly demonstrates that much of the eventual success of the 60's civil rights struggle can be traced to the insights learned by African American leaders in the 40s as they began to master the presentation of their cause on radio. By shifting the movment's earlier focus on "converting" individuals to developing methods for intervening with the media which reach virtually every citizen, African American leaders were able to introduce a new black voice on the radio, especially programming sponsored by the federal government during WWII. This programming challenged accepted stereotypes of black abilities and placed African American accomplishments at the heart of American history. Using seldom seen archives of radio material and the recollections of surviving participants in this dramatic phenomenon, Savage makes the case that many of the lessons learned during this era served the civil rights movement well. Just as radio became a forum for debates about race in the 40s, so too television functioned in the 50s and 60s. While black leaders could not control either radio or television, they understood from their earlier work with radio how television needed "images" only they could supply. The awareness of the potential power of an "alliance" between African Americans and televion was one of the legacies of the 40s radio programming Savage unearthed.. I have to say that Savage is an especially fluid and engaging writer. A lot of the material would have been a painful slog in a less capable writer's hands. I suspect that this book will become a "core text" on the evolution of the civil rights movement. Personally, I can't wait to see what else Savage tackles.
Customer Reviews:
GREAT BOOK!.......1999-12-01
I really thought this book was great. Sur eI'm only twenty years old but it was just awesome to involve myself in such a important piece of Brazilian HIstory since I am not from the area. Please pick this one up!
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