Book Description
Now in paperback, Joseph Nye's "indispensable" guide to reshaping America's role in the world (Publishers Weekly)
Joseph Nye coined the term "soft power" to describe a nation's ability to attract and persuade. Whereas hard power-the ability to coerce-grows out of a country's military or economic might, soft power arises from the attractiveness of its culture, political ideals, and policies. Hard power remains crucial in a world of states trying to guard their independence and of non-state groups willing to turn to violence. But as a new administration-whether Republican or Democrat-maps out its foreign policy, Nye emphasizes the importance of husbanding our military power and nurturing our soft power. It is soft power that will help prevent terrorists from recruiting supporters from among the moderate majority. And it is soft power that will help the United States deal with critical global issues that require multilateral cooperation. America needs to move in a new direction. Isn't it time that we listened to the guidance of one of our foremost foreign policy experts and put his ideas into action?
Customer Reviews:
An Excellent Introduction.......2007-06-26
As a beginning student of international relations, I found this book to be of great assistance. Professor Nye accurately and honestly critiques the Bush Administration's actions on the world stage and the theories behind them. In a social and political milieu that has been dominated by neoconservatism for much of the past six years, it was refreshing to read a different point of view so ardently put forth. After reading this book, one can clearly see the danger that America faces if we continue down the path of unilateralism and continue to unabashedly embrace the concept of an "American empire." As this book argues with excellent clarity, we must return to the combination of hard and soft power that constructed and cemented the international alliances which defeated communism and prepared much of Eastern Europe for democracy.
A Real Softie.......2007-03-21
Joseph Nye is a renowned foreign policy expert and former government official, and some of his previous books have been highly erudite and influential. Therefore one has to wonder about the lack of depth or detailed discussion in this particular book, which was either written for the (very) general reader or was tossed off quickly without the proper amount of research effort. Nye's basic premise is strong enough. Soft power is the ability to encourage, rather than force, other political entities to contribute to your best interests, and the best way to succeed in world politics is to smartly mix soft power with hard power - a tactic that has fallen by the wayside in very recent American history. But beyond that serviceable premise, this book is poorly written and lacks a truly authoritative voice.
The concept of soft power is not very wide-ranging, and this subject matter would be presented better in a short but hard-hitting journal article. And while this book only has 147 pages of text, it still feels padded with flimsy examples and repetitive explanations of the basic concept. Nye has a particular problem with formulating believable examples to support his argument. For instance, the fact that AIDS originated in Africa and SARS originated in Asia is used as evidence that America is not dominant in globalization (yes you read that correctly), and pop culture items are supposedly filled with "subliminal" messages about American lifestyles (Nye may have meant "subtle"). Another problem with this book is that quantities of cultural and political accomplishments are often used in arguments about the quality of soft power exercised by America and other nations. And finally, Nye is capable of far more in-depth analysis on current events than the rather shallow punditry that he has written here. [~doomsdayer520~]
Disappointing.......2006-05-18
Came to this after reading "Imperial Grunts," a much better book. Soft Power has a valid point -- power isn't all from the end of the gun, but it doesn't help much after you acknowledge that. Perhaps I am too Republican. When I read Nye was AS Defense under Clinton, that seemed to explain a lot.
Power in Soft Manner.......2006-04-25
"Soft power" is flying over the sky. This idea is used in lectures, seminars and conferences. You may hear that Japan wants to increase its soft power by promoting sushi and comics. India desires to increase its soft power by boosting Bollywood movies. Indeed, "soft power" is not only an academic term, but also a cool phrase right now.
Nye redefines power in hard and soft power. Military capability and economic strength are hard power; cultural influence and political values are soft power. In Soft Power - The Means to Success in World Politics, Nye outlines the sources, strengths and weaknesses of soft power. In writing his conclusion, Nye believes that the United States has to use power more smartly by exercising both hard and soft power.
Nevertheless, it seems that the European Union and China are using soft power better than the United States in this moment. The European Union shares the same aim with the United States, but using soft power to achieve its goal rather than American's hard power. China is creating its soft power, but this soft power is different form Nye's one.
Nye criticizes that the United States did not use its soft power well in the Gulf War and the war on terrorism. It is absolutely true. But what is the reason behind? Why does the United States (especially under the Bush's administration) ignore the importance of soft power? Indeed, it is very easy to answer this question from the realist or the hawkish perspective. Just because using hard power is the fastest way to achieve national goal. Let's look at Nye's comparison on hard and soft power, "...soft power resources are slower, more diffuse and more cumbersome to wield than hard power resources" (p.100). Indeed, soft power is only the second choice of the superpower, but it is always the first choice of the regional powers such as the European Union and China.
The European Union, without any formidable military force, in order to expand its influence and achieve its goal, the only way is to build up soft power. It is interesting that both the United States and the European Union want to promote the ideas of democracy and human rights around the world. But the United States tends to achieve its goal by hard power such as war and economic sanction, while the European Union insists on using soft power such as cultural exchange and multilateral negotiation (recently the expansion of the European Union is regarded as one of the forms of soft power - transformative power). As Nye admits that the European Union is more attractive than the United States nowadays, and the United States is blamed for its double standards on the issues of human rights (prisoner of war in Iraq) and nuclear proliferation (Bush promised to provide India with nuclear technology although India has not signed the Non-proliferation Treaty yet).
Since the rise of China has become a hot debate, the Chinese leaders acknowledge that building up soft power is the only way to solve the tensions and suspicions between China and its neighboring countries. Thus, China's soft power is not cultural, but it is practical. It is clear that cultural element such as Confucianism, democracy and human rights are not on the Chinese selling list, the selling items are practical in nature such as respecting every nation's sovereignty, denying intervention on other nation's internal policy, and developing economic prosperity among neighboring countries.
In contrast, Chinese soft power is built for strategic necessities (or for regime security) in practical terms, while the soft power of European Union is built for ideology in cultural terms.
Indeed, it is easier for China to promote its soft power than the United States and the European Union. It is because both the United States and the European Union are selling their own values, and these values may not be easily accepted by various countries. Nye quoted the President of Iran in his book, "The new world order and globalization that certain powers are trying to make us accept, in which the culture of the entire world is ignored, looks like a kind of neocolonialism" (p.40). However, China is now selling the common interest among nations, when China addresses that every nation's internal policy should be respected and should not be intervened by foreign powers, this notion really attracts the Arabic countries and the countries in Southeast Asia. When China calls for multilateral cooperation in foreign affairs, this also attracts the potential great powers such as Russia, India and the European Union who are disappointed with the American's unilateralism. More importantly, Nye notices that "To a large extent, international order is a public good - something everyone can consume without diminishing its availability to others. Of course, pure public goods are rare. And sometimes things that look good to Americans may not look good to everyone else, and that is why consultation is important" (p.61).
In sum, hard power politics reflects the will of great power or superpower, but soft power politics reflects the international public good. I guess China's soft power will win over the American and European soft power in the coming decades. It is because there is no "clash of value" in China's soft power, but there are "clashes of values" between "the west and the rest of the world" as what Huntington said.
Soft power is a very fascinating concept, but in terms of stability, peace and the suspicions of "the rest of the world", is it better to have mutual understanding and cultural assimilation rather than "power" in soft manner?
Wisely spoken half truths........2005-09-28
The thesis of this book is that there are many ways to get people to do what you want, and that in world politics, the US has been good at using these various methods until recently with the Bush administration. I am not sure whether this book was written as a sideways attack on the Bush administration, but the points it does bring out are true and worth paying attention to. Specifically, the author states how in the past, the US has used methods such as trade deals, political favors, immigration quotas, economic investments, and other non-violent and non-confrontational techniques to convince other nations to do things the American way. The author then shows how the current Bush administration has strayed away from these methods and chosen to use more direct ones such as trade embargoes, sanctions, ultimatums, and outright military invasions to get things done. The consequences have been disastrous; loss of friends and allies, lack of cooperation from multinational bodies, bad press, and of course, good propaganda for our enemies.
Many of these themes have been written about in editorials throughout the web and printed press since G W Bush came to office, and this book by the dean of one of Harvard's schools just adds weight to the arguments. The problem with this book is the insufficient coverage of all the dirty laundry of previous administrations.
A thorough comparison between Bush's foreign policy, and those of every president since 1900, will show that nearly every president used force to get other countries to cooperate when alternatives were possible. Examples include the various assasinations and coups of foreign leaders orchestrated by the US throughoug the world during the 1900s. These include the leaders of Iran, Chile, Indonesia, and the Congo. Saddam Hussein himself was paid by the CIA to assasinate an Iraqi government official during his younger days. Funny how this was not mentioned. In general, most presidents use a combination of stick and carrot to deal with foreign policy situations. Previous presidents were better than Bush at showing the carrot and hiding the stick.
Overall a good book, but one that tends to overemphasize the failures of the Bush administration, and skims over the failures of previous ones.
Book Description
The modern means of communication have turned the world into an information fishbowl and, in terms of foreign policy and national security in post-Cold War power politics, helped transform international power politics. Information operations (IO), in which time zones are as important as national boundaries, is the use of modern technology to deliver critical information and influential content in an effort to shape perceptions, manage opinions, and control behavior. Contemporary IO differs from traditional psychological operations practiced by nation-states, because the availability of low-cost high technology permits nongovernmental organizations and rogue elements, such as terrorist groups, to deliver influential content of their own as well as facilitates damaging cyber-attacks (“hactivism”) on computer networks and infrastructure. As current vice president Dick Cheney once said, such technology has turned third-class powers into first-class threats.
Conceived as a textbook by instructors at the Joint Command, Control, and Information Warfare School of the U.S. Joint Forces Staff College and involving IO experts from several countries, this book fills an important gap in the literature by analyzing under one cover the military, technological, and psychological aspects of information operations. The general reader will appreciate the examples taken from recent history that reflect the impact of IO on U.S. foreign policy, military operations, and government organization.
Customer Reviews:
a Good Begining.......2007-03-20
The meaning of the tem `Information Operations' (IO) is still evolving, but it is generally recognized to be inextricably part of the concept of Network Centric Warfare which was made possible by what the U.S. Military refer to as the `Global Information Grid' (GID). Which is to say that the IO concept is essential to developing military strategy and force structure planning. So what is it? The simplest definition of IO that is currently in fashion would appear to be that it refers to techniques and actions that adversely affect an enemy's ability to collect, manage, and use information while defending ones own abilities in this regard.
All this is by way of introduction to this book, which although written by a committee of U.S. and Australian IO theorist and operators, is a pretty good over view of how IO works both in theory and, interestingly enough, in practice. The book makes perfectly valid claims that IO clearly must be based on effective intelligence production and good information systems. Ironically both defensive and offensive IO are dependant on access to accurate and timely information (knowledge) to be successful. In this context it was rather surprising that the book did not make more of an issue of the dangers of disinformation and corrupted information to IO success although it did discuss psychological warfare as an aspect of IO. Still the book is for now a good primer on IO and understanding the complexities of war in the 21st Century.
Yet this book is not the definitive statement on IO, rather it is another step on the road of the U.S. Military to transformation to force structures based on Network Centric Warfare. Incidentally for those interested in that concept I suggest they read "The Future of War" by Mark D. Mandeles (Amazon.com). A rather different but equally relevant view of IO can be found in "Information Operations' by Robert D. Steel (Amazon.com). Until the term `Information Operations' is finally established, it is a good idea to keep an open mind on what it means.
High level IO overview that can't be beat!.......2006-12-01
Info Ops: Warfare and Hard Reality of Soft Power is an awesome primer to information operations/information warfare (IO/IW). The book was originally written as a textbook for some high-level defense university classes, but has worked great as a layman's introduction to the field. In it you'll find many government agencies and the scope of their involvement in IO, great examples of IO/IW [save one example I'll mention later]
The book is the foundation to an IO/IW education, so it is a definite "must-purchase." Its low price may shy folks away, thinking its a "discount" overview - but that is a mistake in thinking, and maybe IO (deception) on the part of the publisher...
The one example of IO/IW I was disappointed in was mention of cyberspace exercises called Solar Sunrise and Elligible Receiver. The mainstream press have called them hoaxes or reporting blown out of proportion; the book does no better by using it as a "smoking gun" without the powder burns or shell casing. The mention of both exercises seem to be wrapped in the same mystery and hysteria as found on online conspiracy theory sites.
Other than that slight peeve, the book should be purchased to get the skinny on IO/IW.
Outstanding First Cut, Needs to Go Further.......2006-03-18
This is a first rate effort, but it is incomplete and overly U.S. centric. A new expanded edition is needed soonest.
For myself the best chapters were on "Intelligence Support: Foundations for Conducting IO" and "Information Projection: Shaping the Global Village." Other chapters on the language of IO, information protection, related and supporting activities, and implementing IO were good.
The most important point in this book from my point of view was its observation that modern war is only 15-25% military action, and the rest must be a unified national campaign that leverages all sources of national power **for which IO is the glue that provides the inter-agency coherence.** These authors understand and teach, very ably, how IO is at the heart of managing complex coalition contingency operations.
The book over-all shows a real appreciation for the role that must be played by non-military agencies, coalitions, and private sector organizations including religions, academics, and business as well as media personalities.
The discussion of the "information battlespace" is useful, as are the illustrations. There is an excellent "strategy to task" section helpful to anyone actually implementing IO.
The authors are to be commended for emphasizing that knowing the enemy is not enough--you must know yourself and be firmly grounded in reality rather than ideological fantasy, if the IO message is to have traction. The authors also address, diplomatically but directly, the limitations of the traditional insular military planning process (especially the secretive intelligence process), and clearly articulate the need for open processes that can embrace and leverage varied communities of interest, non-US as well as US.
The authors also raise an extremely important issue to which they cannot provide an answer, but which must be resolved sooner than later: the urgency of being able to educate Americans about global realities and threats, without being accused of propagandizing Americans. [This is one reason why Congressman Simmons, on both the House Armed Services Committee and the House Homeland Security Committee, is so important--he understands that the state intelligence centers and networks we are advocating can serve two functions: as bottom up dot collectors, and as disseminators of real world open source intelligence to the state and local publics.]
One minor nit: the authors assume that because most of the 9-11 hijackers had Saudi passports they were Saudi. My understanding is that they were a mixed bag with passports of convenience from Saudi Arabia for those who were not Saudi.
The book concludes with cursory attention to Russian, Chinese, and Australian IO doctrine and practices, and does not address Iranian, Indian, Pakistani, and Venezuelan-Cuban IO, which are of considerable importance.
The book, very understandably, does not spend a lot of time on Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) or the need to properly monitor all information in all languages all the time, but the Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence has clearly articulated the need to do "universal coverage, 24/7, in all languages, at the neighbood level of granularity" (this is an abdiged paraphrase) and DoD appears well on its way to doing just that. I recommend that this book be read in conjunction with Max Manwaring and John Fishel's "Uncomfortable Wars Revisited," with Max Manwaring's edited work on "The Search for Security" which emphasizes key moral messages; and my own IO book, which focuses exclusively on information peacekeeping or the foreign language content side of IO, and has a comprehensive annotated bibliography. Specialty books that I recommend to IO practitioners include Larry Beinhart's "Fog Facts," Robert Cialdini's "INFLUENCE," Robert Parry's "Lost History," and John Hasling's "The Audience, the Message, the Speaker."
Discovering Practical Information Operations.......2004-08-23
Finally, here's a book that cuts through the dense brush of information operations theory and reaches a clearing where the reader can truly discover the practical application of information operations. The list of contributors is impressive...and all have practical experience in information operations. A must read for practitioners of IO.
The premier book on military Information Operations.......2004-07-13
This is the most up-to-date book on Information Operations I've read. There are over a dozen contributors from the US, UK and Australia, all of whom have hands-on Information Operations experience. It is must reading for anyone serious about this important field of military operations.
Book Description
This book focuses on the relations between official representatives of states on the one hand and foreign non-official actors on the other. Experts from five different countries and from a variety of fields analyze the theory and practice of public diplomacy, and evaluate how public diplomacy can be successfully used to support foreign policy and to improve a country's overall image.
Book Description
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, China is poised to become a major global power. And though much has been written of China’s rise, a crucial aspect of this transformation has gone largely unnoticed: the way that China is using soft power to appeal to its neighbors and to distant countries alike.
This book is the first to examine the significance of China’s recent reliance on soft power—diplomacy, trade incentives, cultural and educational exchange opportunities, and other techniques—to project a benign national image, position itself as a model of social and economic success, and develop stronger international alliances. Drawing on years of experience tracking China’s policies in Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa, Joshua Kurlantzick reveals how China has wooed the world with a "charm offensive" that has largely escaped the attention of American policy makers.
Beijing’s new diplomacy has altered the political landscape in Southeast Asia and far beyond, changing the dynamics of China’s relationships with other countries. China also has worked to take advantage of American policy mistakes, Kurlantzick contends. In a provocative conclusion, he considers a future in which China may be the first nation since the Soviet Union to rival the United States in international influence.
Customer Reviews:
Charm offensive.......2007-09-06
It's very very hard to put down I enjoyed it very much and found it intersting.
Doug Allgeier
R/C CA
A political discourse of Chinese Soft Power.......2007-07-22
In the academic field, many scholars of Chinese studies and international relations are studying the various impacts of the rise of China. Will China upset the existing international norms and world order? Will the boom of Chinese economy threaten the economic growth and environmental condition of other countries? Will China challenge the American hegemony?
Indeed, Joshua Kurlantzick attempts to answer the above questions in his latest work - Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power is Transforming the World.
At the very beginning of his book, Kurlantzick defines soft power from the Chinese perspective as "soft power means anything outside of the military and security realm, including not only popular culture and public diplomacy but also more coercive economic and diplomatic levers like aid and investment and participation in multilateral organizations", which is different from Joseph Nye's values, ideals and norms.
Chinese government has paid more attention in building up its soft power, mainly because of the theory of "China Threat", the concerns of economic and technological interdependencies between China and other countries, and the Chinese regional hegemonic interests. According to Kurlantzick, China would like to use "peaceful development" in order to replace or fade out the "China threat"; China would like to check the unilateral American moves by using its soft power rather than hard power (direct political and military confrontation) since China treasures its economic and technological interdependencies with the United States, Europe and Japan; China would also like to establish its influence in Southeast Asia through soft power, which can minimize the suspicions among Southeast Asian countries.
Kurlantzick carried out interviews and case studies about the rising Chinese influence in various developing countries. China sets up Confucians institutes from Kenya, South Korea, Uzbekistan to Australia; promotes Chinese language in Southeast Asian countries by offering wide range of scholarships and academic exchanges, provides diplomatic professional training to officials in many developing countries, builds up close relations with Chinese diaspora; gives economic aid and loans to poor countries for building economic infrastructures and social facilities; last but not least, encourages Chinese investment in developing countries for boosting their local economic development.
However, not all the Chinese influences can be regarded as good to others. Kurlantzick points out that China also exports labour, environmental and governance problems to others. Chinese firms often neglect the safety of workers and pay little salary to the local workers. In order to avoid labour strike, Chinese firms sometimes employ Chinese to replace the local workers. Besides, some Chinese firms launch illegal logging in Burma and Indonesia. Chinese government built dams on the upper course of Mekong River which have threatened the Cambodian fish stocks and fertilize arable lands in the lower course of the river. In addition, China tolerates authoritarian rule in Cambodia, Laos and Angola for its unconditional aids and loans while the World Bank and International Monetary Fund always demand the recipient countries to comply good governance. China is also criticized for its non-intervention policy in Darfur which finally caused humanitarian disaster.
Kurlantzick's efforts should be given credit in figuring out the latest pattern and development of Chinese foreign policy. The qualitative works such as case studies and interviews with diplomats, business people and Chinese diaspora are also valuable to the study of Chinese foreign policy. However, as a student of international relations, I would expect a finer definition of the Chinese soft power rather than putting the Chinese political influence and economic capability under the category of soft power. Besides, since China has engaged with many regional institutions by advocating multilateralism, the power and influence of China can be explained in terms of structural realism or institutionalism, but not necessarily soft power. Moreover, Kurlantzick concludes that there are mutual interests between China and the United States, thus he holds an optimistic view that "if America seems popular and strong, allowing China to assume more responsibility for the globe will become easier for America to accept". It seems that the conclusion simplifies the interactions and mechanisms between China and the United States in shaping the world order. The political significances and implications of the Chinese charm offensive towards the existing international norms and values as well as world order should be further examined. What is the role of Chinese norm of non-intervention and multilateralism in upsetting the status-quo or making the new world order? Does the Chinese soft power cause any political cost to the United States?
Nevertheless, Kurlantzick points out the determining pivot between the Chinese and American soft power, "More important, the United States still offers a political and social model, a set of values, which can appeal to average people around the world. China's values - noninterference, respect for other nations' internal affairs, economic gradualism directed by the state - can enjoy appeal. But China's values appeal only to specific groups: elites in authoritarian nations..." Since the Deng's era, the Chinese foreign policies are regarded as pragmatic in the quest of national interests, may be it is the time for the Chinese government to review its previous diplomacy by concerning more about international public interests.
Disappointing and incorrect understanding of soft power.......2007-06-21
The author tried pretty hard to impress readers how he insightfully viewed the soft power of China, and I tried very hard to be impressed. Unfortunately, his view is so superficial that I could barely finish reading the first half of his book.
Why? Because his insightful view of China's soft power is indeed no different from soft powers all other countries employed. For example, his "tool of culture" and "tool of business" try to explain that how differently China uses her culture and business influence over other countries. Sadly, from his book, you cannot see much difference if you replace "China" with any other powerful countries, such as US, Japan, German, British, and etc. His "insightful" analysis of soft power appeared in many other books. For example, US uses Hollywood movies to push her value standards, Japan uses Sony, Toyota, and etc to influence other countries. The only point the author attracted readers is that he used the name of "China"
On the other hand, this book is filled with incorrect understanding of the concept of soft power. In his mind, China's soft power plays a very negative role in the international society. For example, he says " ... China might even shift influence away from the United States, ...", "In this sphere, countries would subordinate their interests to China's and think twice about supporting the United States should there be any conflicts in the region...". and etc. Soft power is a power that one can use to attract people or persuade people to follow his lead or direction. It is not a power that one forces upon people to follow his lead. In another word, people can make choice between follow or not follow. Otherwise, it is either economic power or military power. As far as I know, China did not place any economic sanction against other countries by her own. Neither did China place any military menace against other countries. Now many more people choose to follow China's lead, it only means that such choices are in their interests. The author totally misunderstood this concept between soft power and hard power.
China's Effective Soft Power.......2007-05-24
If you are wondering how China has been able to effectively exert their soft power around the world, Joshua Kurlantzick's Charm Offensive: How China's Soft Power Is Transforming the World is a good place to start.
Kurlantzick is a Visiting Scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Special Correspondent at the New Republic, and Senior Correspondent at the American Prospect. Many of his articles on Asia and U.S. foreign policy have appeared in Foreign Affairs, The New York Times Magazine, The Washington Post, Harper's, The Atlantic Monthly and other well-known publications. Much of the observations he writes about are the result of many years of on-the-ground experience while living and traveling in various countries and tracking down China's policies in Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa.
As mentioned in the Preface, Kurlantzick states that the book represents an attempt to close the knowledge gap about China's soft power and its increasingly sophisticated diplomacy, which has and will transform international relations. He was quite taken aback when a few years ago he started to ask Washington's policy makers about China's new global influence- its soft power. The reaction was one of blank stares and even some of these individuals had asked him to brief them about the topic. In other words, while the Americans were asleep at the switch, China was spreading the word around that it was no longer to be perceived as unsophisticated in matters of diplomacy. It was now willing to become involved in aid programs and other ventures where in the past it was the Americans who dominated this terrain.
Using his personal experiences and knowledge, Kurlantzick offers readers an excellent synthesis as to how China began to court the world with its soft power- a term that was invented more than a decade ago by Prof. Nye of Harvard. Quoting from Nye, Kurlantzick describes soft power as resting on the ability "to shape the preferences of others...It is leading by example and attracting others to do what you want. If I can get you to do what I want, then I do not have to use carrots or sticks to make you do it."
The way in which it can conveyed is through a variety of means such as a country's popular and elite culture, its public diplomacy such as government funded programs with the intention of influencing public opinion abroad, its businesses' actions abroad, international perceptions of its government policies and the gravitational pull of a nation's economic strength. However, as Kurlaznick points out, soft power as it is applicable to China is more than the original concept advanced by Nye, as now it is broader in its scope. China perceives soft power as anything that is outside of the military and security realm and this includes not only popular culture and public diplomacy but also coercive economic and diplomatic levers such as aid and investment as well as participation in multilateral organizations-something that China shied away from in the past.
The book is divided into eleven well-written chapters that illustrate how China has built its global soft power and how it has drastically made over its image in many parts of the world from dangerous to benevolent. Moreover, readers will learn how China uses that power and how nations are responding particularly those whose relations with the United States have been faltering such as Venezuela and others whose leaders display autocratic traits.
It should be mentioned that in the main, Kurlantzick focuses on China's pursuit of developing nations in Southeast Asia, Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia-areas of the globe that have been alienated in one way or another by the USA. It is here where China succeeds in promoting itself as having an effective model for social and economic success and where it turns a blind eye to the dictatorial shenanigans, even atrocities that are common in these parts of the world.
In his concluding chapter, Kurlantzick makes various suggestions as to how the USA can respond and as he states, it still enjoys crucial advantages over China, particularly with its military power that if used correctly, can compliment soft power. Case in point is its deployment for humanitarian missions such as the tsunami response that demonstrated that only the USA had sophisticated military to move aid overnight.
Kurlantzick should be applauded for this timely book particularly when American foreign policy has suffered several set-backs over the past few years. Although, for some more knowledgeable about the subject matter, the book is hardly terra incognita, however, for the vast majority it very enlightening and certainly an eye-opener.
Norm Goldman, Editor & Publisher Bookpleasures
A China "Must Read".......2007-05-24
This is a very informative book that should be on the shelf of any bona fide China watcher. Lots of good info and analysis. You might also find my own book interesting. The Coming China Wars: Where They Will Be Fought and How They Can Be Won
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Hard Power, Soft Power And the Future of Transatlantic Relations
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Book Description
Although military operations have dominated media coverage of the war on terrorism, a much broader array of policy options may hold the key to reducing the appeal of global terrorist networks, particularly in economically destitute areas. These strategies involve the use of "soft power," a term first used by political scientist Joseph Nye in a 1990 article in Foreign Policy to describe nonmilitary strategies to shape international relations and behavior.
The Battle for Hearts and Minds discusses four aspects of soft power. The first section of the book considers failed or failing states as havens for transnational terrorist networks, and examines the most effective ways to build stable nations in unstable regions, including focused looks at Afghanistan and Sierra Leone. The second section explores postconflict reconstruction, including in-depth examinations of security, justice and reconciliation, opportunities for achieving socioeconomic well-being, and increased participation in government. The third section examines public diplomacy, asking whether the United States needs new policies or simply a new image to increase its appeal in the Arab and Muslim world. The final section of the book looks at foreign assistance, and assesses the potential of the current administration's "Millennium Challenge Account" (or as one contributor puts it, "Compassionate Conservatism Meets Global Poverty") to combat poverty, increase democracy, and reduce the appeal of terror. The Battle for Hearts and Minds presents a balanced assessment of the role that nonmilitary options can play against transnational terrorist networks.
Customer Reviews:
Several excellent contributions, fails to connect to open source intelligence.......2006-04-10
This is a pretty good volume from 2003, with a good mix of academics, journalists, and practitioners. The most useful pieces for me personally were on the Broadcasting Board of Governors, which manages the Voice of America.
On balance this is a solid reference on all but two of the aspects of soft power: it completely neglects the importance of getting a grip on historical and cultural reality through open source intelligence (OSINT) and also neglects the strategic bottom line that demands an educated American public that is fully informed about the real world and demanding of intelligent policy choices.
The book certainly does well with the limitations of military power, the importance of nation building, the urgency of having a massive capability to do stabilization and reconstruction operations as needed, and the critical roles that public diplomacy and foreign assistance could, but do not, play in winning hearts and minds.
Of special interest to me was the failing report card on the broadcasting board of governors, whose equipment is 30 years old in many cases. I applauded the informed judgement of the author who made the case, based on experience, for keeping the short wave and middle band capabilities that too few understand is essential for Africa and other locations.
Across the book it becomes clear that the US needs to upgrade the Combatant Commanders or mirror them with a civilian coordinator for non-military strategy, power, and resources. As someone who grew up overseas with the U.S. Information Agency (USIA), and served in three Embassies overseas, it is crystal clear to me that we need to double the Department of State, in part by reconstituting USIA as a separate organization, and by placing USIA, the BBG, and a new Open Source Agency (for collecting and making sense of all public information in all languages all the time) in a tight partnership. We need to double and triple aid, develop a peacekeeping from the sea program, as well as the ability to do multiple Berlin Airlifts.
This is a good basic book for anyone thinking seriously about "soft power," a term popularized by Joe Nye, whose varied books I have reviewed and recommend very highly.
Book Description
Setting itself apart from others on the market, this book covers BOTH sampling and software synths as opposed to just one or the other - topics that go hand-in-hand. The author reveals valuable tricks of the trade that help readers make their songs sound professional. Through in-depth tutorials, readers also learn how to sample and synthesize with other software and hardware. Delving deep into these topics, both professional musicians and hobbyists will be interested in Sampling and Soft Synth Power!. It's a great way to sharpen skills and get the most out of sampling and software synths. It's the perfect book for any home recording studio.
Customer Reviews:
didn't like it.......2005-07-25
i thought this was going tgo be for electronic musicians. THIS IS NOT! it is for people who want to make their own samples (libraries) from scratch. it didn't tell me SQUAT about using my computer as a sampler and synth (in real, modern terms). it is too generalized. i LOVED this same publisher's ABLETON LIVE 4 book . now THAT'S a cool book.
Amazon.com
Coca-Cola has become such a ubiquitous American symbol such that it's often hard to distinguish where mere substance ends (its formula is a secret as closely held as military stealth technology) and its seductively overwhelming marketing begins. But in the 1980s and '90s, Coke's new corporate management evolved it from a reliable, if sometimes stodgy, icon of American industry into one of the hottest stocks in a notoriously overheated bull market. That explosive corporate evolution is the focus of veteran NY Times beverage industry reporter Constance Hays' cautionary business history. Eschewing strict chronology in favor of skillfully weaving in appropriate pieces of the company's complex legacy and unique coporate culture to underscore their impact on the contemporary story at hand, Hays carefully dissects a company billed in boom years as a virtual perpetual profit machine of boundless potential. Coke's growth was largely the product of Roberto Goizueta, the methodical, Cuban-born chemist who'd risen through the company's ranks and outflanked fellow veteran executive/personable "super salesman" Don Keough to become its CEO. Goizueta may have been able to rise above the hubris-fueled "New Coke" reformulation fiasco of the mid-80s, but his penchant for ruthless market expansion, corporate rejiggering and tight control of the company's operating details and financial numbers would also sow the seeds for the inevitable collapse that halved Coke's value. That implosion quickly took down successor CEO Doug Forrester--ironically the original financial architect of much of the company's remarkable boom. While this is largely a business history and not a cultural one, it's filled with a wealth of telling human details: corporate pressures exerted on family-owned Coke bottlers to sell out; an obscure academic/stock analyst whose curiosity helped unravel the company's financial secrets; Machiavellian corporate politics where one era's loser becomes another's cautious victor. --Jerry McCulley
Book Description
A definitive history of Coca-Cola, the world’s best-known brand, by a New York Times reporter who has followed the company and who brings fresh insights to the world of Coke, telling a larger story about American business and culture
The Real Thing is a portrait of America’s most famous product and the men who transformed it from mere soft drink to symbol of freedom. The story, starting with Coke’s creation after the Civil War and continuing with its domination of the domestic and worldwide soft-drink business, is a uniquely American tale of opportunity, hope, teamwork, and love, as well as salesmanship, hubris, ambition, and greed. By 1920, the Coca-Cola Company’s success depended on a unique partnership with a group of independent bottlers. Together, they had made Coke not just a soft drink but an element of our culture. But the company, intent on controlling everything about Coke, did all it could to dismantle that partnership. In its reach for power, it was more than willing to gamble the past.
Constance L. Hays examines a century of Coca-Cola history through the charismatic, driven men who used luck, spin, and the open door of enterprise to turn a beverage with no nutritional value into a remedy, a refreshment, and the world’s best-known brand. The story of Coke is also a catalog of carbonation, soda fountains, dynastic bottling businesses, global expansion, and outsize promotional campaigns, including New Coke, one of the greatest marketing debacles of all time. By examining relationships at all levels of the company,
The Real Thing reveals the psyche of a great American corporation and how it shadows all business, for better or worse.
This is as much a story about America as it is the tale of a great American product, one recognized all over the world. Under the leadership of Roberto Goizueta and Doug Ivester, Coca-Cola reinvented itself for investors, spearheading trends such as lavish executive salaries and the wooing of Wall Street, but when Coke’s great global ambitions ran into trouble, it had difficulty getting back on track.
The Real Thing is a journey through the soft-drink industry, from the corner office to the vending machine. It is also a social history in which sugared water becomes an international object of consumer desire—and the messages poured upon an eager public gradually obscure the truth.
Customer Reviews:
Coke and a Smile.......2006-08-26
This book, although factual, was slow reading. If the author would have stayed on point, the book would have been half as long. Overall a decent piece of work, but dont expect to finish it in one sitting.
Calls It Like It Is.......2006-02-07
There appear to be three types of books that are commonly written about the Coca-Cola Company (NYSE symbol: KO): (1) official company histories that have been approved by management; (2) nostalgic books that focus on the company's early history and/or the numerous "antiques" and souvenirs that it has produced over time, and (3) objective histories that dig below the press releases for the real story of this remarkable company. This book falls squarely within the third category.
While it provides a quick view of Coke's early years, it focuses upon the reigns of Roberto Goizueta and Douglas Ivestor, who between them managed to get the company into the predicaments it faces today, Goizueta by focusing solely upon upping the stock price and Ivester by creating Coca-Cola Enterprises, the creature that would destroy the company's base of loyal bottlers while allowing manipulation of the financial statements of both companies. (It should be noted that Ivester was responsible for numerous other screw-ups, but CCE was the major one.) Both executives came away with enormous amounts of benefits upon their respective terminations (more than a billion dollars in the case of Goizueta, who died before he could enjoy it).
Another review of this book descrtibes it as a "mundane history." I disagree -- it clearly descibes the arrogance, rigidity and incompetence that plague the company to this day. Ms. Hays' description of the financial machinations that went into making both KO and CCE appear more successful than they actually were is especially fine. While she doesn't go into the accounting fine points, she does provide a clear trail for those wishing to do so.
Although carrying a copyright date of 2004, the book ends at the end of 2002 with the appointment of Steve Heyer, an outsider, as president. When the time came to replace Doug Daft as chairman and CEO, the board overlooked the highly competent Heyer, choosing instead Neville Isdell, a long-time employee not known for his breadth of vision. Heyer promptly resigned.
Some things never change.
Very entertaining & easy to read..........2005-09-17
I read this book over the past few days in my travels between Fort Wayne and Phoenix and found it to be well-written and exceptionally interesting. The problems faced by the Coca-Cola company are not at all confined to the beverage industry, and I would suggest this book to anyone in a business with distributors and independent agents. In my field of work, orthopedic implants, we face strikingly similar challenges and it's very interesting to see how Coca-Cola's approach has and has not worked. For $18, you won't go wrong...
Insightful!.......2005-09-06
Coca-Cola is the world's most famous brand, but reaching that pinnacle wasn't easy. Leading the globe in a commodity product requires exceptionally hard selling, negotiating and tough leadership. Coca-Cola hit those marks by turning its sales operation into a mission: make Coke the most popular soft drink in the world. Author Constance L. Hays tells Coca-Cola's story with exactitude. As a reporter, she is good at mixing gallons of detail with individual stories and anecdotes, even if they make the book seem long. This makes her chronology a bit slow and disjointed, because she does not hesitate to explore intriguing tangents - such as the history of the cold soda vending machine - whether or not they deflect her momentum. This calculated trade-off, which many readers will appreciate, happens particularly when she recounts the company's actions against its bottlers and describes its marketing. The book captures an important sales story about a global marketing powerhouse that fought for shelf space and control of its bottling plants at any cost, and about the men in charge. We recommend these hard insights into the business of soft drinks to strategists and sales executives...it makes for an interesting brew.
It keeps you interested........2005-09-02
I thought the book did a great job at giving the reader an idea of the mindset of Coca Cola. I will never look at a Coke the same way ever again. :o)
The book wasn't afraid to talk about the good and the bad about Coca Cola as well as it's strong and weak sides. Great reading.
Book Description
In 1945, the United States was not only the strongest economic and military power in the world; it was also the world's leader in science and technology. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures in the United States to model postwar scientific practices and institutions in Western Europe on those in America. They mobilized political and financial support to promote not just America's scientific and technological agendas in Western Europe but its Cold War political and ideological agendas as well.
Drawing on the work of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this attempt at scientific dominance by the United States can be seen as a form of "consensual hegemony," involving the collaboration of influential local elites who shared American values. He uses this notion to analyze a series of case studies that describe how the U.S. administration, senior officers in the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO Science Committee, and influential members of the scientific establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia University and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize scientific practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations research. He details U.S. support for institutions including CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif near Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's study shows how consensual hegemony in science not only served the interests of postwar European reconstruction but became another way of maintaining American leadership and "making the world safe for democracy."
Book Description
For sixty years, U.S. government officials have conducted public diplomacy programs to try to reach Arab public opinion--to inform, educate, and understand Arab attitudes. American public affairs officers have met serious challenges in the past, but Arab public criticism of the United States has reached unprecedented levels since September 11, 2001. Polls show that much of the negative opinion of the United States, especially in the Middle East, can be traced to dissatisfaction with U.S. foreign policy. Rugh, a retired career Foreign Service officer who twice served as ambassador to countries in the region, explains how U.S. government officials have dealt with key problem issues over the years, and he recommends ways that public diplomacy can better support and enhance U.S. national interests in the Middle East. This struggle for the "hearts and minds" of the Arab world, so crucial to the success of American efforts in post-occupation Iraq, is carried out through broadcasting, cultural contacts, and educational and professional exchanges. Rugh describes the difference between public diplomacy and propaganda. He points out that public diplomacy uses open means of communication and is truthful. Its four main components are explaining U.S. foreign policy to foreign publics; presenting them with a fair and balanced picture of American society, culture, and institutions; promoting mutual understanding; and advising U.S. policy makers on foreign attitudes. Public diplomacy supports the traditional diplomatic functions of official business between governments. Whereas diplomats from the United States deal with diplomats of foreign governments, public affairs officers deal with opinion leaders such as media editors, reporters, academics, student leaders, and prominent intellectuals and cultural personalities. Rugh provides an up-close-and-personal look at how public affairs officers do their jobs, how they used innovation in their efforts to meet the challenges of the past, and how they continue to do so in the post-September 11 era.
Books:
- The Age of Innocence
- The Alchemist: A Fable About Following Your Dream
- The Art of Being a Woman: A Simple Guide to Everyday Love and Laughter
- The Art of M&A: A Merger Acquisition Buyout Guide
- The Assassin King (The Symphony of Ages)
- The Big Bento Box of Unuseless Japanese Inventions (101 Unuseless Japanese Inventions and 99 More Unuseless Japanese Inventions)
- The Bully, the Bullied, and the Bystander: From Preschool to High School--How Parents and Teachers Can Help Break the Cycle of Violence
- The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future
- The Code of the Woosters
- The Code of the Woosters
Books Index
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